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In an era where social media stardom seems to promise instant wealth and fame, thousands of aspiring influencers are pouring their life savings into a vision that, for most, remains frustratingly out of reach. Behind the glossy facade of perfectly curated Instagram feeds and viral TikTok videos lies a sobering reality: the path to influencer success is often paved with serious financial troubles.
A thorough analysis of the autopsy reports for the 10 Kuki-Zo “village volunteers” killed in Manipur during an alleged gunbattle with the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) suggests that the young men were shot from behind or from multiple directions and at close range. Some of them also sustained injuries that cannot solely be attributed to gunfire.
Ten young men from the Kuki-Zo community in Manipur's Jiribam district recently lost their lives in what's been reported as a gunfight with personnel from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF). The CRPF claims these individuals, labelled as “militants,” had attacked a local police station and a nearby CRPF camp. However, subsequent post-mortem reports, seen by Newsreel Asia, cast doubt on the legality and ethics of the actions taken by the paramilitary force.
Manipur is burning yet again, marking its third major escalation since the violence began in May 2023. The initial outbreak and the three subsequent flare-ups have almost seemed predictable, each coinciding with challenges to the leadership of Chief Minister N. Biren Singh.
If you tune into mainstream media, especially in India, you might find yourself asking, “What the heck is going on in Bangladesh?” With that same question in mind, we left Delhi for Dhaka, the capital of Bangladesh. However, our six-day journey through Dhaka and Dinajpur left us feeling more hopeful than fearful about Bangladesh’s future.
Having traveled 1,000 kilometers on foot, a group is now on a 21-day hunger strike in Delhi, advocating for statehood for their homeland, Ladakh, in the Himalayas in India. On the sixth day of their fast, Oct. 11, I spoke with Mehdi Shah, a key member of the group, to understand why they are so passionate about statehood and fearful of remaining a Union Territory after four years of direct governance by a distant central authority.
An “intelligence” report has emerged suggesting that over 900 “Kuki militants,” trained in advanced warfare techniques, have crossed from Myanmar into India and may target Meitei villages in Manipur around Sept. 28. It’s quite strange that this information was shared with the public at a press conference by a senior official, rather than being communicated discretely to the Indian Army, or at least the Assam Rifles stationed at the India-Myanmar border—who are better equipped than ordinary citizens to respond.
In the ongoing ethnic violence in Manipur, the label “narco-terrorists” has been employed in what seems to be a tacit attempt to justify brutal attacks on ordinary Kuki-Zo-Hmar tribal people, who are solely blamed for the state’s drug problems. This label also seems designed to hinder empathy for the tribal victims, both within the state and potentially beyond. However, at least five facts about the drug trade in this northeastern state create a different narrative—a narrative that neither any of the ethnic communities nor the ruling political party leaders would be comfortable with.
The central government has reportedly directed two battalions of the Assam Rifles in the northeastern state of Manipur to relocate to the Jammu and Kashmir region for operations against militants. While it’s entirely within the rights of the Union Ministry of Home Affairs to make such decisions, the ethnic, political and security landscape in Manipur, coupled with the timing of this move, raises three significant questions.
In the violence-afflicted state of Manipur in India’s northeast, the Assam Rifles, a key central force, finds itself under intense scrutiny. It’s at the centre of a vocal campaign that accuses it of taking sides in the ethnic conflict between the majority Meitei community and the Kuki-Zo tribal groups. However, this claim might just be a smokescreen to divert attention from what could be the real issue: the Assam Rifle’s clampdown on rampant smuggling activities in the region, according to reliable sources in the security establishment Newsreel Asia has spoken with.
According to exit polls released on Saturday night, two days before the announcement of the results, the Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) appears to be headed for a victory. However, the actual results could still hold surprises, likely to be welcomed by many. Regardless of which party or coalition forms the government, the focus over the next five years should be on the media, with the expectation that news outlets will choose to remain, or become, independent again, advocating for the well-being of the ordinary citizen.
In a world yearning for journalism that is fair, precise and diverse, the role of on-the-ground community radio journalists who closely understand their people and challenges is indispensable. Every day, these extraordinary local reporters engage with their neighbours, friends and other residents recording issues faced by small-town India.
A recent incident in Manipur’s Moreh town, where houses and schools were allegedly set ablaze by Manipur Police commandos, illuminates three primary reasons for the ongoing ethnic violence, which has persisted for over eight months. It also offers insights into the first steps required to cease the unrest.
The consecration of the Ram Temple in Ayodhya, Uttar Pradesh, on Jan. 22, mirrors India’s politics and culture to a far greater extent than its religious aspects. One wonders whether the Hindus who may disapprove of the Bharatiya Janata Party’s (BJP) policies are genuinely pleased with the temple’s establishment. Can they focus on the essence of who Ram was and the depth of his teachings, solely because of the temple’s presence?
As Bhutan approaches its general elections on 9 Jan., 2024, some political parties are doubting the perceived impartiality of the country’s chief election body. Central to their concerns are alleged “oversights” by the Election Commission of Bhutan (ECB) that have ended up favouring the People’s Democratic Party (PDP), a party known for its alignment with India’s strategic interests.
Stepping off the plane at Kathmandu Airport in Nepal, I felt a rush of anticipation. A sign with my name awaited me, and a van whisked me and fellow delegates off to a conference destined to reshape my perspective on South Asian unity. The venue, buzzing with energy, was our meeting ground.
The Women’s Reservation Bill was tabled in Parliament in 1996, the same year I was born. Now, at 27, I see it has finally passed. Yet, it won’t take effect until I’m 33. Beyond this glaring delay, I have two other criticisms, one apprehension and eight suggestions for the legislation to make a difference.
In Manipur, a state in India’s northeast, violence has sharply escalated, claiming at least 200 lives since 3 May. Tasked with restoring order, the Indian Army and the Assam Rifles paramilitary force find themselves at the centre of a targeted hate campaign.
At least 75 tribal girls and women were injured, some grievously, in the Dec. 31 clash with personnel from the Central Reserve Police Force (CRPF) and the Border Security Force (BSF) in Manipur, according to representatives of the Kuki-Zo Women Forum in Delhi. They accuse the central forces of violating operational guidelines by targeting women protesters above the waist. This “mistreatment,” they say, has left them disillusioned with the central authorities.