Why Nepal’s Gen Z Has Turned Against the Old Political Guard
19 Killed in Protests Over Social Media Ban and Corruption
September 9, 2025
Screenshot from a video of a protest in Kathmandu
[Update 3:40 PM Sept. 9, 2025: Since this commentary was first published, Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli’s resignation has been accepted by President Ram Chandra Paudel, according to Reuters. The unrest has continued, with Finance Minister Bishnu Prasad Paudel assaulted by protesters. Kathmandu airport has been shut down as demonstrations spread nationwide, disrupting several flights to and from India.]
Nineteen young protesters were killed in Nepal on Sept. 8 after security forces opened fire during demonstrations sparked by the government’s shutdown of major social media platforms. Their deaths have marked a turning point in Nepal’s politics, as a generation that has already seen good governance in action from younger public servants is now rising to remove a ruling class it no longer trusts.
Protests resumed the next morning and continued through Sept. 9, even after the government reversed its decision to ban the social media platforms, including Facebook, Instagram, YouTube and messaging apps. The demand on the streets shifted from access to connectivity to calls for Prime Minister K.P. Sharma Oli’s resignation and the government’s dismissal, as reported by Deccan Herald. Young protesters defied curfews across Kathmandu Valley, chanting slogans and marching in multiple locations.
On Sept. 8, tens of thousands had gathered at Maitighar Mandala with placards, music and schoolbooks. They walked towards the federal parliament building in Baneshwor to demonstrate against corruption. After some protesters stormed the gates, police fired tear gas and water cannons, then live rounds. Graphic footage showed students in uniforms soaked in blood, carried to nearby hospitals. Over 300 were injured that day alone. At least 400 sustained serious injuries nationwide, according to The Kathmandu Post. The protests, largely organised through Instagram and TikTok, apparently lost central control but gained mass momentum.
A journalist on the scene in Kathmandu told Newsreel Asia that police ignored his press credentials and warned, “Bullets don’t recognise whether you’re from press or not.” Two journalists from the Kantipur media were injured covering the clashes. The government imposed an indefinite curfew later that day, only to lift and then reinstate it the next morning. By then, homes of some ruling politicians had been set on fire or attacked with stones. In Kathmandu, Lalitpur and Bhaktapur, district administrations banned all public movement under emergency provisions.
Three ministers resigned within hours. Health Minister Pradip Paudel, Agriculture Minister Ramnath Adhikari and the Home Minister left their posts citing the government’s use of force. Adhikari, a member of the Nepali Congress, stated explicitly that repression was the reason for his departure.
The attack on the private residence of the Maoist Centre party Chairman Pushpa Kamal Dahal, also known as Prachanda, indicates that public anger is not limited to the ruling coalition. His party sits in opposition, yet protesters targeted him alongside figures from the government. This suggests that Nepal’s youth have lost faith in the political establishment as a whole, regardless of party alignment.
Protesters also stoned the house of Raghuveer Mahaseth, a senior leader of the ruling Unified Marxist–Leninist (UML) party, in Janakpur. The residence of the Information Minister Rekha Sharma, who also serves as government spokesperson, was also set ablaze.
In the middle of the crisis, Prime Minister Oli reportedly handed over responsibilities to the Deputy Prime Minister Bishnu Prasad Paudel and began preparing to leave for Dubai, citing medical treatment. Himalaya Airlines was placed on standby, according to India Today.
A joint statement from the embassies of the United States, United Kingdom, Japan, France, South Korea, Australia and Finland expressed sorrow over the loss of life and affirmed support for peaceful assembly and freedom of expression.
For the protesting youth, the issue runs deeper than the shutdown of social media or the violence that followed. These events have merely confirmed what many already believed, that the country’s old political class is unable to govern responsibly or transparently. Their resistance appears to be based on a contrast between decades of party-led stagnation and the visible, measurable impact of a few younger leaders now in public office.
Kathmandu Mayor Balendra Shah and Dharan Mayor Harka Sampang both rose to power through direct digital engagement with citizens. Shah, an engineer and former rapper, live-streamed council meetings, cleared garbage from the streets and revived neglected public spaces. Sampang mobilised residents to build a 42-kilometre drinking water pipeline, his first act after taking office.
These mayors have fixed long-standing civic issues and proven that corruption is not inevitable. Their work has created a new standard in public life. It has demonstrated that public money can serve the public, that civic administration can respond to real needs and that leaders can be accessible.
Their popularity was built almost entirely online, where they bypassed party gatekeepers and spoke directly to citizens. This is the space the Oli government apparently tried to shut down. The attempt to block 26 platforms was widely read as an attempt to crush these alternative political voices. That decision, announced 18 months before national elections, exposed the old guard’s anxiety about losing control of the political narrative.
The government justified the ban on the grounds of cybersecurity, tax concerns and moderation. Young citizens, already angry about unemployment, inflation and corruption, saw it as a move to silence dissent. They responded with memes, calls to protest and a social media campaign naming the children of politicians who flaunt luxury lifestyles while the public struggles. The viral #Nepobaby trend turned into a political weapon. The term “Nepobaby” refers to the child of a powerful or famous person who benefits from family connections to gain opportunities, often without merit.
Rabi Lamichhane, a former television presenter and founder of the Rashtriya Swatantra Party, also capitalised on this shift. His party secured 20 seats in the 2022 elections, appealing to young, urban voters disillusioned with mainstream parties. Though Lamichhane himself has faced legal trouble over misappropriation of cooperative funds, believed to be false charges, the party’s rise shows that digital visibility can translate into electoral gains even without party lineage.
Protesters do not want reform from within; they are calling for removal and replacement.
The political generation in power has failed to keep up with the demands of a younger electorate that is educated, connected and unwilling to be governed with contempt. What’s happening in Kathmandu is a message. The old class has overstayed its welcome, and the next generation is ready to take over.
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